Contrary to Ferdinand’s expectations, the Stambolov Cabinet was much easier to deal with than imagined.
Originally, Ferdinand had prepared for his “Five-Year Plan Draft” to be rejected and for the Cabinet to draft a new one.
He had not expected the Liberal Party members to be so politically naive, handing over the initiative on a silver platter.
Once this plan passed the National Assembly, Ferdinand would be the one in charge.
Naturally, he could then seize some power from the Liberal Party.
If successful, Ferdinand’s position would become secure.
If it failed, he could let the Cabinet take the blame, and with a little guidance, make people question the Cabinet’s ability to govern, allowing him to escape unscathed.
The methods were a bit underhanded, but effective.
After a few years of aristocratic life, the former nobody had now transformed into a politician, though his skills were still a bit green.
After working hard for over half a month, the Stambolov Cabinet finally perfected the Five-Year Plan.
To balance the interests of all parties, the clauses became increasingly numerous, involving every aspect of Bulgaria.
By the time it reached Ferdinand, there were over three hundred clauses, large and small.
Frankly speaking, this plan was not bad, but the biggest problem was that it was too radical.
In Ferdinand’s view, this was a complete “Great Leap Forward”; it was theoretically possible to complete, but the Government had way too much to do!
This was a common flaw of idealism—always wanting to finish everything at once.
Ferdinand did not raise any objections; if this plan were actually completed, Bulgaria would be the hegemon of the Balkans.
It was better not to pour cold water on them now; judging by the change in Stambolov’s attitude, he realized his scheme had been seen through, but was forced to continue due to Bulgaria’s development needs.
On January 5, 1888, later dubbed “Bulgaria Renaissance Day” by historians, the Stambolov Cabinet submitted the world-shocking “Five-Year Plan” to the National Assembly, laying the foundation for Bulgaria’s rise.
The National Assembly, dominated by the Liberal Party, passed the resolution without incident, and Ferdinand signed it on the spot, declaring the bill effective, thus launching Bulgaria’s grand “Five-Year Plan.”
The excessive number of clauses actually facilitated Ferdinand’s power grab.
With no moral scruples, Ferdinand immediately convened a cabinet meeting.
Looking at the excited cabinet members, Ferdinand smiled and asked, “Prime Minister, now that the plan has been formulated, where do you intend to start?”
One had to know that Ferdinand had only proposed five items, which could be done if everyone worked hard!
Now, with these three hundred and more supplementary clauses, how were they to be completed?
How many hands were needed?
Where to start?
Everything was a problem!
But as Prime Minister, he couldn’t play dumb and say he hadn’t thought about it!
Everyone was watching; if he couldn’t offer any feasible suggestions, it would severely damage his prestige.
Stambolov knew he was in big trouble; he had competitors, and if he couldn’t demonstrate some capability, even these cabinet members might covet the Prime Minister’s seat!
After a moment of silence, Stambolov braced himself and said, “Your Highness, please believe that our Cabinet will surely come up with a satisfactory strategy!”
“Is that so?
Of course, I believe in the Cabinet’s ability, but this is a critical moment for Bulgaria’s development, and the citizens are watching us.
I hope you can come up with a feasible plan within three days!” Ferdinand said, feigning anticipation.
Stambolov knew he had been set up; he didn’t even know how he left the palace, returning home in a daze.
Today’s events had already left everyone dissatisfied.
Like most of the Liberal Party, they were high-minded but low-skilled, a common flaw of revolutionaries worldwide!
He summoned his aides for a discussion, and everyone agreed he had been trapped by the King.
But this plan had been completed by Stambolov and the cabinet members; Ferdinand had only proposed a mere five items, and they had come up with over three hundred themselves—no one would believe that if it got out!
“Then what should we do now?
I must take action on this, otherwise I can’t explain it!” Stambolov said, feeling a headache.
“Prime Minister, this plan has already passed, and the Opposition Party is singing our praises!
“Hmm, you’re right; this is no longer just my business.
If we can’t produce results, no one in the cabinet will escape, and the Liberal Party won’t be able to stay out of it!” Stambolov grasped Kobiv’s meaning—drag others into the water; if they succeed, everyone is happy, and if they fail, no one escapes.
Ignoring the cabinet’s thoughts, Ferdinand knew this matter was both difficult and easy.
It was just a plan; regardless of whether it existed or not, it was impossible to complete all the tasks, but Ferdinand would be satisfied as long as the main five items were completed!
If the cabinet could explode with potential and complete everything, he would be even happier; in any case, he would get his share of the credit.
Three days later, as Ferdinand expected, the Stambolov Cabinet really did come up with a plan, although in Ferdinand’s view, it was full of loopholes!
Ferdinand nodded with satisfaction and said, “Not bad!
But can you handle so many things?
Why not break them down?
Wouldn’t it be better if each department was responsible for some, and the cabinet was responsible for organization and coordination?”
Seeing the others’ eyes light up, Stambolov’s expression darkened; this was the “dagger revealed at the end of the map,” and the key was that it was impossible to refute.
That’s right, Ferdinand’s ultimate goal was to decentralize power; once power was delegated, it would be troublesome to take it back.
Strengthening the various departments and weakening the cabinet was mainly aimed at Prime Minister Stambolov; most of his cabinet members also served as heads of various departments, so they wouldn’t lose much power.
Ferdinand could not tolerate the existence of a powerful minister; if Stambolov were truly a genius, he would have tolerated it.
Unfortunately, history had already told him that Stambolov did not have the ability of an “Iron Chancellor.”
Now, in the Bulgarian Cabinet, besides Prime Minister Stambolov, there was Michael, the Minister of Economy; Wilson, the Minister of Industry; Sovell, the Minister of Defense; and Yunas, the Minister of Interior, totaling five people.
The cabinet already had plenty to do and couldn’t possibly manage hundreds of projects; decentralization was the most effective method.
Stambolov exchanged glances with the others; he knew the four had already agreed, and he could not refuse anymore.
However, Stambolov still had to show his own stance, saying, “Your Highness’s words make sense; dividing the tasks is necessary.
We should also have a division of labor, each responsible for a part.”
After speaking, Stambolov’s face sank; after today, the cabinet would no longer be his personal fiefdom, and the status of the others would gradually draw closer to his.