Agustín I moved much faster than I expected.
I didn’t think he’d give the speech the very next day.
Beginning at five in the afternoon, soldiers moved through the streets of Mexico City announcing the Emperor’s address.
I also went out with my guards to gauge the mood of the people.
“At seven o’clock this evening, His Majesty the Emperor will deliver a speech in the Plaza de la Constitución!”
Citizens reacted with curiosity.
“A speech?
What’s happening?”
“Let’s go see.
We can’t miss a speech from the Emperor.”
“Yeah.
Ever since independence, the government seems to do nothing but argue.
I’m starting to worry.
Let’s hear what he has to say.”
Agustín I still enjoyed substantial public support, but the citizens were becoming uneasy about the government.
Many of the people discussing political affairs openly were criollos from the middle and upper classes, people with enough education and connections to understand that the new state was struggling.
At the enormous central square of Mexico City—the Zócalo, or Plaza de la Constitución—soldiers hurriedly prepared a platform.
While observing the preparations, I noticed a group of well-dressed criollos gathered near one corner of the plaza.
They stared at the platform with obvious displeasure.
Deputies.
Let’s hear what they’re saying.
“What is the Emperor planning to announce?”
“Shouldn’t we stop this?”
“On what grounds can we prevent the Emperor from giving a speech?”
“He mobilized soldiers without congressional approval.
We could object to that.”
“I already ordered one of those commanders to return to his normal duties.
He laughed in my face and told me to pay his soldiers first.”
“What insolence!”
“He must be one of Agustín I’s lapdogs.”
The republican deputies were clearly worried about the Emperor’s sudden public appearance.
Unfortunately for them, they had no obvious way to stop it.
Exactly.
What can they do?
As evening approached, people poured into the plaza.
I expected mostly criollos, but the crowd is surprisingly diverse.
Mexico—and much of Latin America—still carried the legacy of a deeply stratified colonial caste system.
At the top had stood the peninsulares, Spaniards born on the Iberian Peninsula.
Below them were criollos, people of Spanish ancestry born in the Americas.
Then came numerous mixed and Indigenous communities whose social position had been shaped by the racial hierarchies of colonial rule, while enslaved Africans and their descendants occupied some of the most brutally disadvantaged positions.
The divisions were complicated, entrenched, and dangerous.
This is another problem that will have to be dealt with eventually.
The crowd filling the square reflected Mexico’s diversity.
Criollos were numerous, but there were also many mestizos and people from other mixed communities.
I could also see Indigenous Mexicans among them.
New Spain had not followed exactly the same path as the United States in its relationship with Indigenous peoples.
Calling it coexistence would be far too generous.
Exploitation would be more accurate.
Still, Spanish colonial authorities had often incorporated Indigenous communities into the colonial system rather than simply removing them everywhere.
Some Indigenous nobles and local elites had even retained privileged positions because the authorities found them useful for governing local populations.
Those people over there are probably Indigenous elites.
I made my way toward the platform and joined Mother, who had arrived with Father.
Agustín I gave my shoulder an encouraging pat before climbing onto the stage.
Instead of extravagant imperial robes and a crown, he wore a spotless military uniform.
The choice made him look less like an authoritarian monarch and more like a capable commander.
Apparently, he had considered what appearance would appeal to the public.
Not bad.
The Plaza de la Constitución was packed with an enormous crowd.
As the sun began to set, Agustín I stepped forward.
“Citizens of Mexico!
“I, Emperor Agustín de Iturbide, stand before you today to speak of great change and greater hope.
“Our homeland, Mexico, has freed itself from Spanish rule through your blood, sweat, faith, and courage.
“After a long struggle, we have won something precious—our independence.”
Agustín I paused.
Across the plaza, people nodded.
“However, our independence is not yet complete.
“After centuries of exploitation and years of war, our economy is in grave condition.
“As Mexican independence becomes a reality, many peninsulares who once monopolized high offices have fled, taking with them whatever wealth they could carry from this land.”
The speech had begun by celebrating independence.
Now Agustín I was guiding the crowd toward the country’s current hardship.
Citizens listened with growing attention.
He’s framing the present crisis as the unfinished consequence of Spanish rule.
Father continued.
“To overcome these difficulties, I bring a proposal before the people of Mexico.
“I propose that property belonging to peninsulares who abandoned Mexico and rejected our independence be placed at the service of our nation.
“For centuries, colonial authorities imposed enormous burdens upon this land.
Great estates and fortunes were accumulated while the people of Mexico bore the cost.
“But Mexico is independent now.
“We are no longer obligated to preserve the privileges of those who reject our nation.”
In plain terms, the proposal was confiscation.
Murmurs swept through the crowd.
“That sounds reasonable.
A handful of those people own enormous estates.”
“Maybe, but what if they take my grandfather’s property too?”
Most citizens who resented the old colonial elite reacted favorably, but others immediately worried that the measure might expand to include ordinary Mexican families of Spanish descent.
Agustín I had anticipated that concern.
“Let me be clear.
“This measure will not target Mexicans of Spanish ancestry who have made their homes here and accepted Mexico as their country.
“It will apply to those who oppose Mexican independence and to property belonging to the Spanish Crown.
“This is a measure intended to complete our independence.
“The lawful property of Mexican citizens and of foreigners from nations other than Spain will be protected.
“At this moment, Spain is consumed by its own political turmoil and lacks the power to dictate Mexico’s decisions.
“We must seize this opportunity to establish the foundations of true independence.”
The criollos who had worried about family property visibly relaxed.
So did those concerned that indiscriminate confiscation would frighten foreign investors or provoke other countries.
Agustín I raised his voice.
“Through this measure, we will secure true independence and build a stronger, more advanced Mexico!
“For true independence!”
Supporters positioned throughout the crowd immediately began cheering.
“Viva!”
“For true independence!”
“Viva la Independencia!
Viva el Emperador Agustín I!”
The cheers spread.
Soon, tens of thousands of voices thundered across the plaza.
“Viva la Independencia!
Viva el Emperador Agustín I!”
“Viva la Independencia!”
“For true independence!”
As Father stepped down after finishing his speech, I approached him.
“Your Majesty, we should pressure Congress immediately.”
“Immediately?
There’s no need to rush.
After seeing this reaction, the deputies will have little choice but to approve the proposal.”
“Now that the confiscation has been publicly announced, people will begin trying to move or steal the assets before the government can secure them.”
“I anticipated that.
I already ordered lists of properties to be prepared.”
“Land, buildings, and farms can’t disappear overnight.
Their contents can.
“We need assets the government can use immediately.”
Income from estates, buildings, and farms could provide enormous long-term revenue.
But collecting that income would take months.
The government needed resources right now.
Many peninsulares who fled or were expelled had undoubtedly taken their most valuable portable possessions.
But people that wealthy couldn’t possibly have carried everything.
Warehouses and estates would still contain grain, weapons, tools, artwork, carriages, wagons, livestock, and countless other goods.
Those had to be secured first.
The farms around Puebla are the highest priority.
Puebla contained some of Mexico’s finest agricultural land.
Naturally, wealthy peninsulares had coveted the region and acquired enormous estates there.
But the moment news of this speech spread, every estate manager, local political boss, military commander, opportunistic thief, and desperate laborer would realize that those properties were vulnerable.
After all, if everyone believes the government is about to seize abandoned property, what stops them from taking a little first?
Historically, much of the property abandoned by departing peninsulares had not been systematically recovered by the central government.
Local authorities, military leaders, communities, and private individuals often absorbed or seized assets for their own benefit.
I couldn’t allow that.
That wealth had to be used for Mexico.
After considering my argument, Agustín I turned around and climbed back onto the platform.
“As Emperor, I demand an immediate response from Congress to this proposal, which reflects the will of the Mexican people!
“This measure is necessary to complete our independence.
“There is no reason to waste precious time in pointless disputes.
“All deputies are ordered to assemble in Congress immediately!”
“Viva!”
The crowd erupted again.
Agustín I began walking from the plaza toward the congressional building.
The deputies who had been standing in the corner hurried away as well.
Most citizens gradually dispersed, but many followed the Emperor and the legislators, shouting as they went.
“Viva la Independencia!
Viva el Emperador Agustín I!”
***
The congressional building descended into chaos.
Outside, citizens loudly demanded immediate approval of the Emperor’s proposal.
Rafael Manhino, a leading republican deputy, broke into a cold sweat.
Damn it.
A public speech.
This is exactly the kind of tactic we should have used first.
How did Agustín I beat us to it?
This isn’t like him.
What changed?
Rafael had been confident that Agustín I could eventually be overthrown despite his status as hero of independence and Emperor.
The Mexican government was already in terrible condition.
Signs of administrative failure appeared everywhere.
If the crisis continued long enough, public frustration would explode.
Then the Emperor’s opponents could blame everything on imperial dictatorship and incompetence.
If Agustín abdicated, Mexico could establish presidential elections like the United States.
And Rafael believed he had a real chance of becoming president.
Congress still contained many conservatives who supported monarchy, but the institutional nature of a legislature favored republican politics.
As republican sentiment strengthened, deputies gained influence.
Some previously neutral legislators were already drifting toward the republican camp, while conservatives had become increasingly passive.
Rafael had imagined himself rising to the presidency.
Now he faced an unexpectedly effective political attack.
At this point, our best option is to delay.
Just as he reached that conclusion, Agustín I entered Congress.
Despite the tense atmosphere, the Emperor appeared remarkably calm.
He looked around at the assembled deputies.
“I assume you all witnessed the people’s reaction to my proposal.
“Now that public support is clear, I could simply order the army to begin securing the properties.
“However, I came here because I intend to respect Congress.
“So approve the proposal immediately.”
Rafael answered at once.
“Your Majesty!
Mexico currently lacks a completed constitutional framework and many necessary laws.
“How can we undertake a national action of this scale under such circumstances?
“It’s impossible!
“Furthermore, the respective authority of Congress and the Emperor has not been clearly defined.
Even military deployments require congressional consent.”
“Exactly,” Agustín I replied.
“That uncertainty is one reason the government has accomplished so little.
“But this matter is different.”
“How is it different?”
“I support this proposal.
“The people support it.
“Therefore, I see no reason Congress should oppose it.
“Does Congress intend to stand against the people’s passionate desire to complete Mexico’s independence?”
“We aren’t opposing it,” Rafael said quickly.
“We merely wish to examine the proposal carefully.”
“There’s no need to waste days pretending to examine it.
“Examine it now.
“If you have questions or objections, present them here.”
Agustín I gestured toward me, standing behind him.
“The proposal was originally suggested by the Crown Prince.
“He will answer your questions.”
Rafael smiled.
“Very well.
Then let us examine it immediately.”
So that’s where this plan came from.
The young Crown Prince.
Creative, perhaps, but still a child.
He’ll regret walking into Congress.
Rafael began firing question after question at me.
He had no idea who was really standing before him.
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