The purge lasted a full month, leaving all of Azerbaijan in total disarray.
“Your Highness, we have seized the property of thirty-eight tribes so far,” Amir Kabir reported to Naser al-Din.
“Our clerks are still counting the remaining clans because their hoarded wealth is massive.
On top of that, the tribes that previously hid their populations paid a hefty sum in back taxes.” Naser al-Din didn’t care about the details; he just wanted the bottom line.
“How much did we pull in?” “Preliminary estimates put the total value at roughly one billion tumans.” “How much?” Naser al-Din blinked, caught off guard.
Even though he expected a big haul, he never anticipated a figure that staggering.
“Most of it is tied up in land, pastures, cattle, and sheep,” Amir Kabir clarified.
“If we liquidated everything into cold cash, it would net us around 400 million tumans.” Naser al-Din let out a soft laugh.
“If we had gotten our hands on this cash sooner, we wouldn’t have needed that loan from the British.
What about the slaves?” “Around 40,000 of them,” Amir Kabir replied.
“They were bought from Bukhara and regional slave traders, mostly used for hard labor.” Tribal chieftains and local nobles were notorious for hiding people to dodge taxes, but this sweep freed up a massive workforce.
“Go ask them,” Naser al-Din instructed.
“If they want to farm, hand them plots of land.
If not, draft them into the new army or send them to the factories, because weapon production can’t afford to slow down.” This sudden influx of labor gave the province a massive boost.
They were illiterate, sure, but anyone can be trained to run a machine.
Since they owned no land, working factory jobs for steady wages gave them a real way to support their families, so they wouldn’t just up and quit.
After all, the only alternative was begging on the streets.
People always say finding skilled labor is tough, but skill comes with time.
Even modern factories have to train green workers on the job, or else they’re just stuck doing basic muscle work.
Guiding local merchants to open up new factories became the government’s top priority.
Armed with confiscated tribal wealth, the Governor-General’s office finally solved its budget shortages and pushed reforms into high gear.
Even the local bureaucrats who used to nod along while quietly dragging their feet suddenly became eager to please after watching the young governor’s ruthless purge.
Some corrupt officials even handed over back-stolen funds on their own.
It was no joke; now that the prince held full control of the army, everyone knew their lives were on the line.
With his power solidified, Naser al-Din rolled out a broader sweep of reforms across Azerbaijan.
His first order of business was tearing down illegal road checkpoints.
Local tribes had set up rogue toll booths along major trade routes, slapping a two-to-ten percent tax on passing merchant caravans and squeezing trade dry.
Using his campaign against the rogue tribes as coverage, Naser al-Din abolished every single illegal checkpoint across Azerbaijan.
He issued a strict decree: no one outside the governor and the Shah had the legal right to set up tax stations or extort passing merchants.
Foreign trade tariffs were centralized under official state supervision, leaving corrupt officials no room to pocket cash on the side, while every coin of tax revenue went straight to the government vault.
While no one knew how long this strict order would hold, it gave the state treasury an immediate financial boost.
Next, the Governor’s Office announced a five-year tax exemption for any factory using modern Western machinery.
He also privatized state-owned glass factories through private management contracts, stepping back from daily operations and only collecting an annual share of the profits.
This set a bold precedent, encouraging local merchants to risk their capital on modern industrial ventures.
Printing presses in Tabriz ran nonstop, pumping out thousands of pamphlets outlining the new economic policies to post across every street and alley.
Literate citizens read the announcements aloud to crowds on street corners, and local merchants rallied behind the governor’s business-friendly moves.
— British Ambassador for Persia Justin Sheil arrived in Tabriz shortly after, catching wind of the dramatic events sweeping Azerbaijan.
The news reinforced his growing belief that the young governor was no ordinary teenager.
“Mr.
Sheil, do you really think a fourteen-year-old boy planned all of this?” Consul Richard White Stevens asked skeptically inside their carriage.
“I’m not entirely sure myself,” Sheil replied, taking a sip of water.
“But if your reports are right, Amir Kabir executed the plan, and he wouldn’t slaughter dozens of tribal leaders without the prince’s green light.
Either the governor is a puppet in his hands, or the boy is the true mastermind.” Sheil leaned back and continued, “Either way, this is a massive opportunity for Great Britain.
London has intelligence that Russia is prepping a puppet prince to march on Tehran.” “So why shouldn’t we back this governor to take the Persia Throne?
I’m sure he’d reward us handsomely.” Great Britain and Russia were locked in a fierce struggle for influence across the Ottoman Empire, Persia, and Central Asia.
Britain had previously helped the Ottomans hold off Muhammad Ali Pasha of Egypt, bringing crucial cotton-producing regions under British influence, though Russia’s support for Greek independence had weakened Ottoman strength.
Right now, the two empires were deadlocked in Ottoman lands, while playing a cautious game of chess across Persia and Central Asia.
If Britain could bring Persia securely into its orbit, it wouldn’t just block Russian expansion southward—it would build an ironclad shield around British India.
Sheil had already reviewed the loan requests and equipment purchasing contracts Naser al-Din submitted to Britain.
The numbers were surprisingly reasonable—extremely modest compared to the Ottoman Sultan’s habit of blowing through millions of pounds sterling.
Of course, a provincial governor couldn’t afford to be that lavish, and as a seasoned diplomat, Sheil appreciated the boy’s practical mindset.
“It’ll take months to get official word back from London,” Sheil remarked, staring out the carriage window.
“In the meantime, we can pull some machinery from Istanbul to cover his immediate orders.
I’m confident the cabinet back home will approve the deal soon.” In truth, whether top officials in London would approve the scheme was anyone’s guess.
British policy toward Persia at the time was defined by cautious restraint, focusing on holding India, keeping an eye on Russian moves, and avoiding deep entanglements in Persian court politics.
Still, business was business, so why turn down a profitable deal?
Sheil figured he would meet the governor first to iron out details for the study-abroad program, hoping to pitch a few more supply deals along the way.
— The carriage soon pulled up to the governor’s mansion.
Unlike Stevens’s previous visit, Amir Kabir personally walked out to the main gate to welcome the British envoy.
When they met, Amir Kabir greeted Sheil with a warm handshake and spoke in fluent English.
Hearing Amir Kabir’s authentic London accent, Sheil’s impression of the Persian minister shot up instantly.
He never expected a top Persian official to speak such clean English, which earned Persia a newfound level of respect in his eyes.
For Amir Kabir, English was second nature, and he spoke fluent Russian just as easily.
“Your Excellency, you’ve had a long and exhausting journey,” Amir Kabir said smoothly.
“His Highness is eagerly waiting to meet you.” “Lead the way,” Sheil replied, ready to see the boy governor for himself.
Amir Kabir escorted Sheil into the formal reception room, where Naser al-Din sat waiting.
“It is an honor to meet you, Your Excellency,” Sheil said, bowing politely.
“The honor is mine, Mr.
Ambassador,” Naser al-Din replied with a welcoming smile.
“I believe this is the start of a deep cooperation between our two nations, and you’re the key architect making it happen.” The young governor’s warm words made Sheil realize this wasn’t going to be a quick one-off deal, but the start of a long-term alliance.
Among foreign envoys, Persia didn’t offer Britain high-level diplomatic secrets like the French or Russians did, nor did it offer massive commercial markets like Qing dynasty China, and it certainly lacked the geopolitical weight of the Ottoman Empire.
Yet as long as Tabriz kept placing massive industrial orders, its value to British business was crystal clear.
Besides, everyone in diplomatic circles knew the Ottomans were a shaky barrier against Tsar Nicholas I’s southward push, so building up Persia as a backup shield made perfect sense.